By David M. Abadie
(JNS) — By any historical measure, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. President Donald Trump are reshaping the world. Their alliance has helped deter global catastrophe.
The two leaders worked in close coordination to counter Iran’s nuclear ambitions and reshape the Middle East. Their partnership began before the 2020 Abraham Accords, which normalized relations between Israel and several Muslim-majority states. In June, that alliance deepened when Trump authorized a decisive U.S. strike on Iran’s underground nuclear facilities, an operation that reflected the long-standing strategic cooperation between the two leaders. The full scale of their achievements may only be understood in hindsight.
But Jewish history reminds us that downfall can easily follow victory, especially when unmitigated and unchecked.
The Hasmonean dynasty once stood for strength and sovereignty. Generations after defeating the Seleucids, however, their descendants fell due to internal rivalries and external dependencies. In 63 BCE, two Hasmonean heirs — Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II — fought for the throne and invited Rome to decide. The Roman general Pompey entered Jerusalem as a so-called arbitrator. Instead, he seized the city and ended Jewish independence.
What began as domestic infighting became Roman occupation. What began as an appeal to a superpower ally ended in the loss of sovereignty.
This is not merely an ancient cautionary tale. We are living with its echoes.
Today, Israel is divided over political reforms, the scope of executive and judicial power, and the legitimacy of its institutions. The corruption trial of Netanyahu has become a national fault line. Into this internal drama, Trump has stepped in, calling on Israel to end the witch hunt and halt the proceedings against Netanyahu. Some see support. Others see pressure. But all could see what it is: a foreign leader intervening directly in Israel’s internal political system.
This is not a criticism of Trump. On the contrary, his support for Israel remains one of the most significant expressions of American-Israeli partnership in modern memory. But the lesson of history remains: Even friendly interventions carry a price. One president’s favor can become another’s leverage.
This is not speculation but precedent.
During the Obama administration, pressure on Israeli housing policy, defense posture and coalition composition became routine. In 2011, Obama publicly condemned settlement construction and withheld U.N. vetoes to force diplomatic concessions. Let’s not forget former President Barack Obama’s V15 interference with Israeli elections and his parting gift to Israel at the United Nations in 2016. Under former President Joe Biden, officials openly criticized Israel’s domestic policies, with members of Congress calling for aid restrictions. In both cases, it was often Israeli voices, especially on the left, who welcomed foreign condemnation as a tool to influence internal policy.
But that’s the trap: left or right, coalition or opposition, inviting foreign intervention is always a losing bet. Once the door is opened, you can’t control who walks in or what they demand.
We are in the midst of the Jewish period known as “The Three Weeks” — from 17 Tammuz, the day Jerusalem’s walls were breached, to 9 Av, the day the two Temples were destroyed. These are not just fast days but reminders of what happens when we collapse from within. The Talmud teaches that the Second Temple was destroyed not because of Rome’s might alone but because of sinat chinam, “baseless hatred”: Jew fighting Jew, faction against faction. When division reaches a boiling point, foreign influence fills the vacuum.
That is what happened when Pompey entered Jerusalem. It’s what happened when Rome replaced the Sanhedrin’s authority with their own courts. And it is what will happen again if we outsource our sovereignty in exchange for a temporary advantage.
This doesn’t mean that Israel should isolate itself. Strategic alliances are essential, but alliances must never become dependencies. Sovereignty must be rooted in internal trust, not external validation. That means a defense strategy independent of shifting U.S. politics. It means a judicial system that earns public respect on its own merit, not because of outside approval or threats. It means Israelis, across the political spectrum, taking responsibility for resolving our own disputes among themselves. Because when they don’t, others will.
Already, we see Trump pressuring Israel over Netanyahu’s legal fate. Most strikingly, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee made an unprecedented appearance in Netanyahu’s courtroom in mid‑July, explicitly aligning with the president’s call to halt the trial. We saw Biden officials weighing in on internal reforms. We see Israeli factions using these voices to their political advantage. But all these acts from both sides chip away at the one thing we must protect above all: the ability to govern ourselves.
Israel must become self-reliant, not just in weapons and economy but in justice, unity and moral clarity. Sovereignty is not maintained by elections alone. It is upheld by a society that can resolve its own crises without appealing to foreign courts, foreign media or foreign leaders.
Let us not become Rome’s client state again, in modern form.
King David cautioned: “Do not put your trust in princes, in a human being, in whom there is no salvation.” Centuries later, the prophet Jeremiah reinforced the warning: “Cursed is the man who trusts in people. … Blessed is the man who trusts in God.”
These timeless truths remind us that when we rely too heavily on foreign powers — even trusted allies — we risk surrendering the very independence we fought to restore.
So, as we mourn the past and face the future, let us remember, be careful what we wish for. A foreign ally today may demand a price tomorrow. Unity and self-determination are not luxuries; they are the prerequisites for survival. And when the walls are breached, it is already too late to argue about who opened the gate.